Dr Osama Al-Azhari
Minister of Awqaf
(Charitable Endowments)
In an age of confused ideas and competing voices of truth and falsehood, the “Manifest Truth” project emerged. Through it, the book “The Manifest Truth: A Refutation of Those That Manipulate Islam” was transformed into a series of articles. The motivation behind this effort was not a desire for debate or intellectual confrontation, but rather the fulfillment of a religious and national duty grounded in the standards of sound scholarship, and guided by wisdom, logic, and sound reasoning. Its aim is to serve as a guiding beacon to correct our course, and as a bulwark against the currents of extremism that have tampered with religious texts, distorted the image of religion, and undermined its most sublime values.
In order for the message of this project to reach all segments of society, and not remain confined to books and libraries, it has been translated into more than sixteen languages through major international and educational institutions. This effort reflects a shared commitment to safeguarding a sound scholarly approach, a deep concern for the religion, and a contribution to fulfilling a national duty towards an authentic intellectual tradition worthy of Egypt and its leading role in serving Islam and humanity.
I have always emphasised that the roots of intellectual perils did not originate in recent years; rather, they may well be traced back to the ideas of Hasan al-Banna–the founder of Jama’at al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin (The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) Organisation) – and those who followed him among the figures of extremist movements. Our discussion here is not about individuals who have passed away, but is rather about their mindsets, which deviated from the path of truth and caused harm to both the nation and its people.
We can observe this ideology in what Hasan al-Banna said in his message to the 1939 MB Fifth Conference: “Government, in its jurisprudential theory and practice, is considered part of the divine doctrine (‘aqidah) and its foundational principles, not merely a matter of socially aware jurisprudence (fiqh) and subsidiary issues.” When this statement is weighed against the standards of unanimous Islamic legal theory, it reveals a grave error. The foundational principles of faith (Iman) are six, as established in the well-known hadith of the Angel Gabriel, which shows that government and the administration of people’s affairs are not among them.
In examining this issue, I have referred to the major classical works that addressed it, such as “al-Irshad ila Qawati’ al-Adillah” (A Guide to Conclusive Proofs for the Principles of Belief) by Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni, “al-Iqtisad fi al-I’tiqad” (Moderation in Belief) by Hujjat al-Islam (the highly qualified scholar of Islam) al-Ghazali, “al-Mawaqif” (The Stations in Theology) by al-Jurjani, as well as the books of al-Taftazani and Ibn Abi Sharif. All of these affirm that political leadership (imamate) is not among the foundational principles of the divine doctrine in Islam (‘aqidah), but rather a matter of jurisprudence (fiqh), not core creed. Accordingly, Hasan al-Banna’s inclusion of government among the foundational principles contradicts the established methodology of scholars. This, in turn, fostered a mindset that treats political disagreement as doctrinal deviation, giving rise to the phenomenon of excommunication (takfir) and spreading a culture of exclusion and hostility in the name of Islam.
Some documents I have examined reveal obscure alliances in the early history of the MB Organisation’s {organisation or society?! Be consistent} formation. Among them is a document mentioned by ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sindi, dated December 25, 1948, stating that Hasan al-Banna met a man named Aleister Crawley in Alexandria. This man was known for practicing black magic and Satanism, and he even claimed prophethood for what he called the “Religion of Horus.” What is striking is that Hasan al-Banna developed a relationship with him that has puzzled researchers and specialists, especially given this man’s well‑known record of involvement with foreign intelligence services.
Documents also indicate that Hasan al-Banna received donations and support from British agents. This support was not limited to backing the MB, but extended to intelligence activities. This perspective is further reinforced by significant testimonies from within the MB itself. Shaykh Muhammad al-Ghazali, in his book “Ma’alim al-Haqq” (Landmarks of Truth), stated that he distanced himself from the MB after perceiving Masonic overtones within its organisational structure. This was likewise affirmed by ‘Abd al-’Aziz Kamil–former member of the organisation’s secret apparatus–in his memoir “Fi Nahr al-Hayah” (In the River of Life), where he explained that the secret oath-taking rituals within the organization bore closer resemblance to Masonic practices than to the teachings of early Islam.
We can also analyse the mindset of Hasan al-Banna through a set of core traits that continue to be replicated among contemporary figures of extremism, such as Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, Sayyid Qutb, and Abu al-A’la Mawdudi, among others. I have examined these traits in detail in a book titled “Hasan al-Banna Under the Microscope.”
These characteristics and traits include: reckless zeal driven by a false perception that Islam is under threat, prompting its adherents to defend it without proper knowledge; impulsiveness that fails to weigh consequences and lacks wisdom; a deficiency in the essential tools required to understand Islamic shari’ah – tools that encompass twelve foundational disciplines traditionally studied by scholars at Al-Azhar; an absence of jurisprudence concerning the higher objectives of shari’ah (maqasid al-shari’ah), which are meant to preserve life, religion, intellect, property, and honour; confusion in interpreting social and political realities; and, ultimately, a form of religious discourse marked by irrationality, inhumanity, and harshness–one that repels people from religion rather than guiding them towards it.
In reality, and without doubt, when these traits converge, they produce a distorted religious discourse that leads to one of two outcomes: either people turn away from religion altogether–even to the point of atheism–or they are drawn into violence and bloodshed.
By contrast, the well-grounded Azhari methodology – upheld by scholars of Al-Azhar, as well as those of the Zaytuna, al-Qarawiyyin, the Umayyad Mosque, Hadramawt, and Shinqit – rests upon tranquility, wisdom, deep mastery of scholarly tools, awareness of higher objectives, and a refined sense of humanity
I reiterate once again that what I present here is not a personal attack against individuals, but rather an objective, scholarly critique of methodologies. Knowledge recognises no sanctity except that of truth. My approach is to examine ideas, weigh them against the standards of sound scholarship, and assess them in light of the established methodologies of trusted scholars. As for the individuals themselves, they have passed on and are accountable before Allah for what they put forth.
Among the gravest afflictions to have befallen the Ummah (the Muslim community) is when flawed ijtihad (personal reasoning) is elevated to the level of creed, and when zeal is transformed into excommunication. It is for this reason that some scholars, such as Shaykh Ahmad Shakir, described MB as “the new Kharijites,” in reference to the exclusionary and hostile (mindset) they espoused.
“Al-Haqq al-Mubin” (The Manifest Truth) is not merely a rebuttal of a deviant ideology; it is a comprehensive intellectual project aimed at rebuilding religious thought upon the foundations of knowledge, reason, and compassion. It is a far-reaching reform initiative that seeks to safeguard the Muslim mind from manipulation, and to restore the authority of a sound scholarly methodology – one that makes religion a source of peace rather than conflict, and knowledge a path to mercy rather than a tool for division.
It is, at its core, a project to revive the methodology of Al-Azhar–a methodology that harmonises faith with humanity, and patriotism with religion–so that Islam may remain as Allah intended it to be: a religion of knowledge, a religion of mercy, and a religion of civilisation.
From this perspective, the battle for awareness is not merely a political or intellectual struggle; it is a mission to rescue the Muslim mind from distortion, and to firmly reestablish Islamic identity upon its luminous foundations–foundations that once offered the world the enduring values of salam (peace), ‘adl (justice), and ihsan (excellence).
